īetween late 2017 and early 2018, Facebook had hired Brent C. The board was modeled after the United States' federal judicial system, as the Oversight Board gives precedential value to previous board decisions. Among the board's goals were to improve the fairness of the appeals process, give oversight and accountability from an outside source, and increase transparency. In November 2018, after meeting with Harvard Law School professor Noah Feldman, who had proposed the creation of a quasi-judiciary on Facebook to oversee content moderation, CEO Mark Zuckerberg approved the creation of the board. It has been subject to substantial media speculation and coverage since its announcement, and has remained so following the referral of Facebook's decision to suspend Donald Trump after the 2021 United States Capitol attack. The board officially began its work on October 22, 2020, and issued its first five decisions on January 28, 2021, with four out of the five overturning Facebook's actions with respect to the matters appealed. Zuckerberg first announced the idea in November 2018, and, after a period of public consultation, the board's 20 founding members were announced in May 2020. Zuckerberg originally described it as a kind of " Supreme Court", given its role in settlement, negotiation, and mediation, including the power to override the company's decisions. Meta (then Facebook) CEO Mark Zuckerberg approved the creation of the board in November 2018, shortly after a meeting with Harvard Law School professor Noah Feldman, who had proposed the creation of a quasi-judiciary on Facebook. global engagement on technology while simultaneously managing new regulatory proposals for American tech giants.The Oversight Board is a body that makes consequential precedent-setting content moderation decisions (see Table of decisions below) on the social media platforms Facebook and Instagram, in a form of "platform self-governance". In the United States, the Biden administration is grappling with how to reinvigorate U.S. In Europe, the previous watchword of “digital sovereignty” may be giving way to talk of “ strategic sovereignty” in the digital sphere, but the underlying premise remains the same: creating an internet environment where European values proliferate. A Brazilian official who authored the country’s data localization proposal recently called data flows abroad a violation of the country’s sovereignty. India is advancing a data-protection framework with large carve-outs for state data collection against the backdrop of the Modi government’s repressive internet shutdowns. Moscow is continuing to clamp down on the web through a combination of online and offline coercive measures. Beijing is advancing new internet standards to replace the global, open, interoperable ones. This invitation to collaboration comes at a time of remarkable diversity in how states are approaching internet governance. These proposals, as Mike Masnick and others have argued, embrace social media platforms’ model of transparency, but rather than improve it they add further restrictions that may be more harmful than helpful. Congress is considering transparency requirements with bills such as the Platform Accountability and Consumer Transparency Act (PACT), which would require platforms to publish transparency reports, and the Online Consumer Protection Act (OCPA), which would require platforms disclose their content moderation policies. Without mandatory regulation, we are left with self-regulatory efforts, which have no teeth. Currently, tech platforms oversee themselves and are not legally obligated to disclose how they regulate their own domain. This means platforms cannot just increase the amount of information made public but also need to communicate that information to stakeholders in a way that empowers them to hold platforms to account. In order for platform transparency to be meaningful, scholars argue that these companies need to be specific with the type of information disclosed.
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